Unfamiliarity of the New System
At the rural level, the government sought to replace old terakoya schools, with untrained teachers and operation that responded to local conditions, with standardized primary schools consisting of nationally-certified teachers. In this way, peasants became disgruntled toward a system that they considered to be isolated from local organization. These accusations were not without merit, as one of the purposes of the national system was standardization and lines drawn between subdivisions often conflicted with village borders. This was partially on purpose, as progressives in the government sought to dismantle village hierarchies that they and their new system were critical of. So, in a way, the education system was used as a tool to reinvent local Japanese society, a concept that did not sit well with the peasant class.[i]
Parents were also angry at the subject matter of the new schools. The schools deemphasized the traditional morality-based education of the terakoya and instead encouraged a technical curriculum based in science and mathematics, with courses also offered in other seemingly irrelevant topics such as geography and history. Morals courses were confined to the first and second grades only, with material taught for one hour per week. Therefore, peasants began to see the new education system as entirely intellect-based, a new concept, which helped to degrade old notions of Confucian filial piety that had persisted for so long.[ii]
The Meiji government also proposed other revolutionary ideas that did not resonate well with conservative peasants. Up until this point in Japanese history, the few schools that were open to non-samurai students were open on a voluntary basis, meaning that parents could withhold their children from school if they so desired. That right was taken away by the Meiji government, further infuriating peasants. In addition, the notion of universal education that schooled both girls and boys was seen as overly progressive in many areas.[iii] Girls and boys would not only go to the same school but would attend coeducational classes, an unacceptable idea in many conservative circles.[iv] According to historian Benjamin Duke, this general disruption of traditional feudal practices are the main factor leading to the revolts that followed.[v]
[i] Duke, 160-161.
[ii] Duke, 161.
[iii] Duke, 162.
[iv] Duke, 165.
[v] Duke, 169.
Parents were also angry at the subject matter of the new schools. The schools deemphasized the traditional morality-based education of the terakoya and instead encouraged a technical curriculum based in science and mathematics, with courses also offered in other seemingly irrelevant topics such as geography and history. Morals courses were confined to the first and second grades only, with material taught for one hour per week. Therefore, peasants began to see the new education system as entirely intellect-based, a new concept, which helped to degrade old notions of Confucian filial piety that had persisted for so long.[ii]
The Meiji government also proposed other revolutionary ideas that did not resonate well with conservative peasants. Up until this point in Japanese history, the few schools that were open to non-samurai students were open on a voluntary basis, meaning that parents could withhold their children from school if they so desired. That right was taken away by the Meiji government, further infuriating peasants. In addition, the notion of universal education that schooled both girls and boys was seen as overly progressive in many areas.[iii] Girls and boys would not only go to the same school but would attend coeducational classes, an unacceptable idea in many conservative circles.[iv] According to historian Benjamin Duke, this general disruption of traditional feudal practices are the main factor leading to the revolts that followed.[v]
[i] Duke, 160-161.
[ii] Duke, 161.
[iii] Duke, 162.
[iv] Duke, 165.
[v] Duke, 169.